Différences entre les versions de « Rezac (2011) »

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   '''summary''':
   '''summary''':
   On recent views of movement and resumption, both Merge a [[DP]] in a nonthematic
   On recent views of [[movement]] and [[resumption]], both Merge a [[DP]] in a nonthematic position and interpret it through a free variable. This predicts their symmetric distribution and the existence of [[résomptivité|resumption]] on the 'core' A-position of [Spec, TP], or A-resumption. It is argued that the prediction is correct, and mechanics are developed to build both movement and resumption by Merge, Agree, and the interpretation of nonthematic positions. A-resumption on [Spec, TP] falls into two types. When T participates in φ-Agree, the [[DP]] Merged in [Spec, TP] must be interpretively linked to the variable identified by φ-Agree. [[Locality]] tends to limit the goal to a domain where it must be a copy/gap for Case reasons, so the composition of Agree and Merge results in movement. However, when a finite TP boundary is penetrable to φ-Agree, there surfaces an A-resumption pattern constrained by the locality of φ-Agree, including the copy-raising of English ''The cat<sub>i</sub> seems like it<sub>i</sub>'s got Spiro's tongue''.
  position and interpret it through a free variable. This predicts their symmetric
  distribution and the existence of [[résomptivité|resumption]] on the 'core' A-position of [Spec, TP], or
  A-resumption. It is argued that the prediction is correct, and mechanics are developed
  to build both movement and resumption by Merge, Agree, and the interpretation of
  nonthematic positions. A-resumption on [Spec, TP] falls into two types. When T
  participates in φ-Agree, the [[DP]] Merged in [Spec, TP] must be interpretively linked
  to the variable identified by φ-Agree. Locality tends to limit the goal to a domain
  where it must be a copy/gap for Case reasons, so the composition of Agree and Merge
  results in movement. However, when a finite TP boundary is penetrable to φ-Agree,
  there surfaces an A-resumption pattern constrained by the locality of φ-Agree,  
  including the copy-raising of English ''The cat<sub>i</sub> seems like it<sub>i</sub>'s got Spiro's tongue''.
    
    
   When T does not φ-Agree with a [[DP]] goal, the location of the variable interpreting
   When T does not φ-Agree with a [[DP]] goal, the location of the variable interpreting [Spec, TP] is unconstrained. This is the situation in Breton, which allows A-resumption structures of the type ''The boat<sub>i</sub> was shot at it<sub>i</sub>''. The patterns of A-resumption restricted and unrestricted by φ-Agree match parallel patterns found in A'-resumption in recent work.
  [Spec, TP] is unconstrained. This is the situation in Breton, which allows A-resumption
  structures of the type ''The boat<sub>i</sub> was shot at it<sub>i</sub>''. The patterns of A-resumption
  restricted and unrestricted by φ-Agree match parallel patterns found in
  A'-resumption in recent work.
    
    


[[Category:ouvrages de recherche|Categories]]
[[Category:ouvrages de recherche|Categories]]

Version du 3 mars 2017 à 09:50

  • Rezac, M. 2011. ‘Building and interpreting a nonthematic A-position: A-resumption in English and Breton’, Alain Rouveret (éd.), Resumptive pronouns at the interfaces, Language faculty and beyond, Benjamins. 241-286.
manuscrit de 2008, (pdf)
extrait:
Rezac (2008:26) (texte original en anglais)


 summary:
 On recent views of movement and resumption, both Merge a DP in a nonthematic position and interpret it through a free variable. This predicts their symmetric distribution and the existence of resumption on the 'core' A-position of [Spec, TP], or A-resumption. It is argued that the prediction is correct, and mechanics are developed to build both movement and resumption by Merge, Agree, and the interpretation of nonthematic positions. A-resumption on [Spec, TP] falls into two types. When T participates in φ-Agree, the DP Merged in [Spec, TP] must be interpretively linked to the variable identified by φ-Agree. Locality tends to limit the goal to a domain where it must be a copy/gap for Case reasons, so the composition of Agree and Merge results in movement. However, when a finite TP boundary is penetrable to φ-Agree, there surfaces an A-resumption pattern constrained by the locality of φ-Agree, including the copy-raising of English The cati seems like iti's got Spiro's tongue.
 
 When T does not φ-Agree with a DP goal, the location of the variable interpreting [Spec, TP] is unconstrained. This is the situation in Breton, which allows A-resumption structures of the type The boati was shot at iti. The patterns of A-resumption restricted and unrestricted by φ-Agree match parallel patterns found in A'-resumption in recent work.