Rezac (2008:26)

De Arbres
 The particle a is triggered by any preverbal nominal, regardless 
 of whether it binds a resumptive or comes from any movement gap. 
 Yet a preverbal DP that comes from a movement gap only 
 triggers (a)zo if it is the narrow subject, and emañ, eo 
 if it is a local object or a remote gap, (63) 
 (cf. Hendrick 1988: 105-6 note 2). 
 
 Therefore the Leon dialect has the contrast in (64). 
 
 (64)a. A-bar extraction: DPi BE [… __i …]  
        →  eo/emañ copula / a particle
 
 (64)b. Broad subject: DPi BE [… pronouni …] 
        → (a) zo copula / a particle (Leon dialect, setting aside narrow subject)
 
 
 Preverbal DPs other than the narrow subject are differentiated by the 
 copula according as they link to a gap or a resumptive, and the key to 
 this difference is not in the particle, which neutralizes them.
 
 (63)a. Per EMAÑ / *A ZO Mona o klask __ er c'hoad.
 Per is R is Mona PRG seek in.the wood
 'Mona is looking for Per in the woods.'    (Hendrick 1988: 105-6 note 2)
 
 (63)b. Per A ZO o klask Mona er c'hoad
 Per R is PRG seek Mona in.the wood
 'Per is looking for Mona in the woods.'    (Hendrick 1988: 105-6 note 2)
 
 (63)c. Petra EMA en e zoñj [ober __]?
 what is in his thought do.INF
 'What is he thinking of doing.'            (Fave 1998:141 [Leon])
 

Référence

  • Rezac, M. 2008. ‘Building and interpreting a nonthematic A-position: A-resumption in English and Breton’, à paraître dans Alain Rouveret (ed.), The Resumptive Book: Resumptive pronouns at the interfaces, Benjamins. (version 2008)