The particle a is triggered by any preverbal nominal, regardless of whether it binds a resumptive or comes from any movement gap. Yet a preverbal DP that comes from a movement gap only triggers (a)zo if it is the narrow subject, and emañ, eo if it is a local object or a remote gap, (63) (cf. Hendrick 1988: 105-6 note 2).
Therefore the Leon dialect has the contrast in (64).
(64)a. A-bar extraction: DPi BE [… __i …]
→ eo/emañ copula / a particle
(64)b. Broad subject: DPi BE [… pronouni …]
→ (a) zo copula / a particle (Leon dialect, setting aside narrow subject)
Preverbal DPs other than the narrow subject are differentiated by the copula according as they link to a gap or a resumptive, and the key to this difference is not in the particle, which neutralizes them.
(63)a. Per EMAÑ / *A ZO Mona o klask __ er c'hoad.
Per is /R is Mona PRG seek in.the wood
'Mona is looking for Per in the woods.' (Hendrick 1988: 105-6 note 2)
(63)b. Per A ZO o klask Mona er c'hoad.
Per R is PRG seek Mona in.the wood
'Per is looking for Mona in the woods.' (Hendrick 1988: 105-6 note 2)
(63)c. Petra EMA en e zoñj [ober __]?
what is in his1 thought do.INF
'What is he thinking of doing?' (Fave 1998:141 [Leon])
- Rezac, M. 2011. Rezac, M. 2011. ‘Building and interpreting a nonthematic A-position: A-resumption in English and Breton’, Alain Rouveret (ed.), Resumptive pronouns at the interfaces, Language faculty and beyond, Benjamins. 241-286. (pdf de la version 2008)