Rezac (2008:26)
De Arbres
The particle a is triggered by any préverbal nominal, regardless of whether it binds a resumptive or comes from any movement gap. Yet a préverbal DP that comes from a movement gap only triggers (a)zo if it is the narrow subject, and emañ, eo if it is a local object or a remote gap, (63) (cf. Hendrick 1988: 105-6 note 2). Therefore the Leon dialect has the contrast in (64). (64)a. A-bar extraction: DPi BE [… __i …] → eo/emañ copula / a particle (64)b. Broad subject: DPi BE [… pronouni …] → (a) zo copula / a particle (Leon dialect, setting aside narrow subject) Preverbal DPs other than the narrow subject are differentiated by the copula according as they link to a gap or a resumptive, and the key to this difference is not in the particle, which neutralizes them. (63)a. Per EMAÑ / *A ZO Mona o klask __ er c'hoad. Per is /R is Mona PRG seek in.the wood 'Mona is looking for Per in the woods.' (Hendrick 1988: 105-6 note 2) (63)b. Per A ZO o klask Mona er c'hoad. Per R is PRG seek Mona in.the wood 'Per is looking for Mona in the woods.' (Hendrick 1988: 105-6 note 2) (63)c. Petra EMA en e zoñj [ober __] ? what is in his1 thought do.INF 'What is he thinking of doing ?' (Fave 1998:141 [Leon])
Référence
- Rezac, Milan. 2011. Rezac, Milan. 2011. 'Building and interpreting a nonthematic A-position: A-resumption in English and Breton', Alain Rouveret (ed.), Resumptive pronouns at the interfaces, Language faculty and beyond, Benjamins. 241-286. (pdf de la version 2008)