Matasović (2009)

De Arbres
  • Matasović, Ranko. 2009. Etymological dictionnary of Proto-Celtic, Brill, Leiden.

extrait à intégrer:

 Matasović (2009):
 "* gargo- 'rough' [Adj]
 GOlD: MIr. garg [0]
 GAUL: Gargenus [NP]
 PIE: * gargo- (?) 'horror' (JEW: 353)
 COGN: OCS groza 'horror', Arm. karcr 'hard'
 ETYM: This is presumably an onomatopoetic, or expressive word, which may explain the a-vocalism in the root. The parallels in other IE languages may be accidental similarities.
 
 * gexdo/ ă- 'goose' [Noun]
 GOlD: Mlr. géd [0 m]
 W:MW guit (GPC gwydd) [f]
 BRET: MBret. gwaz [f]
 CO: OCo. guit gl. auca, Co. goth 
 ETYM: Presumably an onomatopoetic word, there is probably no connection to PIE * ǵheh2-ns 'goose' (cf. PCelt. * gansi- 'swan').
 REF: GPC II: 1753, Deshayes 2003: 301, Lockwood 1981.
 * glaxsmă 'cry, shout' [Noun]
 GOlD: Mlr. glám [ă f] 'outcry, clamour, satire'
 PIE: * gla-ǵh 'cry, shout' (IEW: 350f.)
 COGN: Skt. garh-, OHG klaga, Germ. klagen
 ETYM: The comparison with OHG klaga allows the reconstruction of the PIE root as above; a different vocalization (Schwebeablaut?) must be assumed for Sanskrit. This is quite clearly an onomatopoetic root, so the correspondences in Germ. and Skt. could be accidental.
 REF: Mayrhofer I: 475f.
 
 * kwaso- 'cough' [Noun]
 GOlD: MIr. casachtach [ā f] (DIL cosachtach) 'the act of coughing'
 W: W pas [m] 'whooping cough'
 BRET: OBret. pas gl. catarrus, MBret. pas, paz
 CO: Co. pas, MoCo. paz
 PIE: * kweh2s-t- 'cough' (IEW: 649)
 COGN: Skt. kā's- 'cough', OHG huosto, Lith. kósti, Russ. kášelj
 ETYM: The Celtic forms are from the zero-grade *kwh2st- of this originally onomatopoetic root. The laryngeal is assured by the acute in Lithuanian and Slavic.
 REF: LEIA C-215, GPC III: 2696f., DGVB 281, Hamp 1980.
 
 * klokko- 'bell' [Noun]
 GOlD: aIr. clocc [o m]
 W: MW cloch [f]
 BRET: MBret. cloch, MoBret. kloc'h [m]
 CO: OCo. cloch gl. clocca
 ETYM: Fr. cloche 'bell' < MLat. clocca was probably borrowed from the language of the Celtic missionaries in the early Middle Ages (clocca is first attested in the work of Adomnán in the 7th century). It is improbable that it is from Gaulish, cf. also Germ. Glocke. The PCelt. word is clearly onomatopoetic.
 REF: LEIA C-122f., GPC I: 502, Campanile 1974: 27f., Deshayes 2003:399, Gamillscheg 237.
 * lab(a)ro- 'eloquent, talkative' [Adj]
 GOlD: OIr. labar [o]
 W: MW llafar 'loud, resonant, talkative'
 BRET: OBret. labar 'talking', MBret. lauaret 'talk', MoBret. lavar [m] 'language, speech'
 CO: OCo. lauar gl. sermo
 GAUL: Labarus, Labrios [PN]
 ETYM: In OIr., there is also the denominative deponent verb labraithir, -labrathar 'talks'. Cf. the parallel formation of the antonyms W aflafar 'mute' and OIr. amlabar 'mute'. These Celtic words may have been onomatopoetic in origin; the connection with ME flappen 'hit' suggested by IEW (831) is a mere possibility (if this is correct, the PCelt. form of the root was * flab- ), cf. also Germ. labern 'babble'.
 REF: DGVB  236, Delamarre 194f., Deshayes 2003: 453, Zimmer 2000:486, Meid 2005: 56.
 
 * swizd-o- 'blow' [Vb]
 GOlD: Olr. do-infet 'blows, inspires'; do-r-infid [3s Pret. Relative]; do-r-infess [Pret. Pass. Relative]
 W: MW chwythu 'blow, breathe'
 BRET: MBret. huezaff, MoBret. c'hwezhañ 'breathe'
 CO: Co. hwytha
 PIE: * sweys-d- 'hiss' (IEW: 104Of.)
 COGN: Gr. sízō, Russ. svistát' 
 ETYM: Olr. do-infet < * to-eni-swisdo- (the simplex verb is unattested in Goidelic). These words are of onomatopoetic origin, so indepentent creations in different branches of IE cannot be excluded.
 REF: GPC I: 865, LIV 611ff., LP 395, LEIA S-100, Deshayes 2003:164.
 
 * xswib-ī- 'move, recede' [Vb]
 GOlD: MIr. scibid, -scibi
 W: MW chwyfu (GPC chwifio, chwyfio, chwyfu, chwyfan)
 BRET: MBret.fifual, MoBret. fiñval 'move'
 PIE: ? * ksweybh- 'make a swift movement' (IEW: 1041 (* swēy-))
 COGN: Skt. kṣipáti 'throw', OCS šibati 'to whip'
 ETYM: Sanskrit -p- is puzzling. It may be the result of assimilation to the initial k-. OE swapan 'sweep' and its Germanic cognates may be derived from the same root, if we assume that *xsw- > *sw-. In any case, the form of the PIE root is highly unusual, perhaps onomatopoetic.
 REF: KPV 423, GPC I:852, Deshayes 2003:236, LIV 333, Schrijver 2003.


 * yaro- 'chicken, hen' [Noun]
 W: OW iar, MW yar, iar [f] (GPC iâr, giâr); ieir, gieir [p]
 BRET: MBret. yar [f]
 CO: OCo. yar gl. gallina, Co. yar
 GAUL: laros [PN]
 ETYM: MIr. eirín(e) 'chicken' is related to these words, but details are unclear. All of these words might be related to Lat. pīpio 'to cheep', Skt. píppakā- 'a species of bird' and derived from something like * pipero- > PCelt. * fifero-.   
 Of course, with such onomatopoetic roots, any comparison can be accidental.
 REF: GPC II: 2000, LP 78, Delamarre 186, Falileyev 89, Campanile 1974:105, Deshayes 2003:760, Stokes 1894: 223, Schrijver 1995:104f."