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* Matasović, Ranko. 2009. ''Etymological dictionnary of Proto-Celtic'', Brill, Leiden.
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* Matasović, Ranko. 2009. ''Etymological dictionnary of Proto-Celtic'', Brill, Leyde.
  
  
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   [[Matasović (2009)]]:
 
   [[Matasović (2009)]]:
  PCelt: * ''swizd-o-'' 'blow' [Vb]
 
  GOlD: Olr. ''do-infet'' 'blows, inspires'; ''do-r-infid'' [3s Pret. Relative]; ''do-r-infess'' [Pret. Pass. Relative]
 
  W: MW ''chwythu'' 'blow, breathe'
 
  BRET: MBret. ''huezaff'', MoBret. ''[[c'hwezhañ]]'' 'breathe'
 
  CO: Co. ''hwytha''
 
  PIE: * ''sweys-d-'' 'hiss' (IEW: 104Of.)
 
  COGN: Gr. ''sízō'', Russ. ''svistát' ''
 
  ETYM: Olr. ''do-infet'' < * ''to-eni-swisdo-'' (the simplex verb is unattested in Goidelic). These words are of onomatopoetic origin, so indepentent creations in different branches of IE cannot be excluded.
 
  REF: [[GPC]] I: 865, [[LIV]] 611ff., [[LP]] 395, [[LEIA]] S-100, [[Deshayes (2003)|Deshayes 2003]]:164.
 
 
  
   "PCelt: * ''gargo-'' 'rough' [Adj]
+
   '''*gargo-''' ‘rough’ [Adj]
   GOlD: MIr. ''garg'' [o]
+
   GOID: MIr. ''garg'' [o]
 
   GAUL: ''Gargenus'' [[Nom propre]]
 
   GAUL: ''Gargenus'' [[Nom propre]]
   PIE: * ''gargo-'' (?) 'horror' (JEW: 353)
+
   PIE: *''gargo-'' (?) ‘horror’ (IEW: 353)
   COGN: OCS ''groza'' 'horror', ''Arm.'' karcr 'hard'
+
   COGN: OCS ''groza'' ‘horror’, Arm. ''karcr'' ‘hard’
 
   ETYM: This is presumably an onomatopoetic, or expressive word, which may explain the a-vocalism in the root. The parallels in other IE languages may be accidental similarities.
 
   ETYM: This is presumably an onomatopoetic, or expressive word, which may explain the a-vocalism in the root. The parallels in other IE languages may be accidental similarities.
 +
  REF: EIEC 568, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 501, [[Delamarre (2001)|Delamarre]] 175
  
   PCelt: * ''gexdo/ ă''- 'goose' [Noun]
+
   '''*gexdo/ā-''' ‘goose’ [Noun]
   GOlD: Mlr. ''géd'' [o m]
+
   GOID: MIr. ''géd'' [o m]
   W:MW ''guit'' ([[GPC]] ''gwydd'') [f]
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   W: MW ''guit'' ([[GPC]] ''gwydd'') [f]
 
   BRET: MBret. ''gwaz'' [f]
 
   BRET: MBret. ''gwaz'' [f]
   CO: OCo. ''guit'' glosed ''auca'', Co. ''goth''  
+
   CO: OCo. ''guit'' gl. ''auca'', Co. ''goth''  
   ETYM: Presumably an onomatopoetic word, there is probably no connection to PIE * ''ǵ<sup>h</sup>eh<sub>2</sub>-ns'' 'goose' (cf. PCelt. * ''gansi-'' 'swan').
+
   ETYM: Presumably an onomatopoetic word, there is probably no connection to PIE *''ǵʰeh₂-ns'' ‘goose’ (cf. PCelt. *''gansi-'' ‘swan’).
 
   REF: [[GPC]] II: 1753, [[Deshayes (2003)|Deshayes 2003]]: 301, [[Lockwood (1981)|Lockwood 1981]].
 
   REF: [[GPC]] II: 1753, [[Deshayes (2003)|Deshayes 2003]]: 301, [[Lockwood (1981)|Lockwood 1981]].
  
   PCelt: * ''yaro-'' 'chicken, hen' [Noun]
+
   '''*klokko-''' ‘bell’ [Noun]
  W: OW ''iar'', MW ''yar, iar'' [f] (GPC ''iâr, giâr''); ''ieir, gieir'' [p]
+
   GOlD: OIr. ''clocc'' [o m]
  BRET: MBret. ''[[yar]]'' [f]
 
  CO: OCo. ''yar'' glosed ''gallina'', Co. ''yar''
 
  GAUL: ''laros'' [PN]
 
  ETYM: MIr. ''eirín(e)'' 'chicken' is related to these words, but details are unclear. All of these words might be related to Lat. ''pīpio'' 'to cheep', Skt. ''píppakā-'' 'a species of bird' and derived from something like * ''pipero-'' > PCelt. * ''fifero-''. 
 
  Of course, with such onomatopoetic roots, any comparison can be accidental.
 
  REF: [[GPC]] II: 2000, [[LP]] 78, [[Delamarre (2001)|Delamarre 186]], [[Falileyev (2000)|Falileyev]] 89, [[Campanile (1974)|Campanile 1974]]:105, [[Deshayes (2003)|Deshayes 2003]]:760, [[Stokes (1894)|Stokes 1894]]: 223, [[Schrijver (1995)|Schrijver 1995]]:104f."
 
 
 
 
 
  PCelt: * ''klokko-'' 'bell' [Noun]
 
   GOlD: aIr. ''clocc'' [o m]
 
 
   W: MW ''cloch'' [f]
 
   W: MW ''cloch'' [f]
 
   BRET: MBret. ''cloch'', MoBret. ''kloc'h'' [m]
 
   BRET: MBret. ''cloch'', MoBret. ''kloc'h'' [m]
   CO: OCo. ''cloch'' glosed ''clocca''
+
   CO: OCo. ''cloch'' gl. clocca
   ETYM: Fr. ''cloche'' 'bell' < MLat. ''clocca'' was probably borrowed from the language of the Celtic missionaries in the early Middle Ages (''clocca'' is first attested in the work of Adomnán in the 7th century). It is improbable that it is from Gaulish, cf. also Germ. ''Glocke''. The PCelt. word is clearly onomatopoetic.
+
   ETYM: Fr. ''cloche'' ‘bell’ < MLat. ''clocca'' was probably borrowed from the language of the Celtic missionaries in the early Middle Ages (''clocca'' is first attested in the work of Adomnán in the 7th century). It is improbable that it is from Gaulish, cf. also Germ. ''Glocke''. The PCelt. word is clearly onomatopoetic.
   REF: [[LEIA]] C-122f., [[GPC]] I: 502, [[Campanile (1974)|Campanile 1974]]: 27f., [[Deshayes (2003)|Deshayes 2003]]:399, [[Gamillscheg (1969)|Gamillscheg]] 237.
+
   REF: [[LEIA]] C-122f., [[GPC]] I: 502, [[Campanile (1974)|Campanile 1974]]: 27f., [[Deshayes (2003)|Deshayes 2003]]: 399, [[Gamillscheg (1969)|Gamillscheg]] 237.
  
 +
  '''*lab(a)ro-''' ‘eloquent, talkative’ [Adj]
 +
  GOID: OIr. ''labar'' [o]
 +
  W: MW ''llafar'' ‘loud, resonant, talkative’
 +
  BRET: OBret. ''labar'' ‘talking’, MBret. ''lauaret'' ‘talk’, MoBret. ''lavar'' [m] ‘language, speech’
 +
  CO: OCo. ''lauar'' gl. sermo
 +
  GAUL: ''Labarus'', ''Labrios'' [PN]
 +
  ETYM: In OIr., there is also the denominative deponent verb ''labraithir'', ''-labrathar'' ‘talks’. Cf. the parallel formation of the antonyms W ''aflafar'' ‘mute’ and OIr. ''amlabar'' ‘mute’. These Celtic words may have been onomatopoetic in origin; the connection with ME ''flappen'' ‘hit’ suggested by IEW (831) is a mere possibility (if this is correct, the PCelt. form of the root was *''flab-'' ), cf. also Germ. ''labern'' ‘babble’.
 +
  REF: [[DGVB ]] 236, [[Delamarre (2001)|Delamarre]] 194f., [[Deshayes (2003)|Deshayes 2003]]: 453, [[Zimmer (2000)|Zimmer 2000]]: 486, [[Meid (2005)|Meid 2005]]: 56.
  
   PCelt: * ''lab(a)ro-'' 'eloquent, talkative' [Adj]
+
   '''*swizd-o-''' ‘blow’ [Vb]
   GOlD: OIr. ''labar'' [o]
+
   GOID: OIr. ''do-infet'' ‘blows, inspires’; ''do-r-infid'' [3s Pret. Relative]; ''do-r-infess'' [Pret. Pass. Relative]
   W: MW ''llafar'' 'loud, resonant, talkative'
+
   W: MW ''chwythu'' ‘blow, breathe’
   BRET: OBret. ''labar'' 'talking', MBret. ''lauaret'' 'talk', MoBret. ''lavar'' [m] 'language, speech'
+
   BRET: MBret. ''huezaff'', MoBret. ''[[c'hwezhañ]]'' ‘breathe’
   CO: OCo. ''lauar'' glosed ''sermo''
+
   CO: Co. ''hwytha''
   GAUL: ''Labarus'', ''Labrios'' [PN]
+
  PIE: *''sweys-d-'' ‘hiss’ (IEW: 104Of.)
   ETYM: In OIr., there is also the denominative deponent verb ''labraithir'', ''-labrathar'' 'talks'. Cf. the parallel formation of the antonyms W ''aflafar'' 'mute' and OIr. amlabar 'mute'. These Celtic words may have been onomatopoetic in origin; the connection with ME ''flappen'' 'hit' suggested by IEW (831) is a mere possibility (if this is correct, the PCelt. form of the root was * ''flab-'' ), cf. also Germ. ''labern'' 'babble'.
+
   COGN: Gr. ''sízō'', Russ. ''svistátʹ''
   REF: [[DGVB ]] 236, [[Delamarre (2001)|Delamarre]] 194f., [[Deshayes (2003)|Deshayes 2003]]: 453, [[Zimmer (2000)|Zimmer 2000]]:486, [[Meid (2005)|Meid 2005]]:56.
+
   ETYM: OIr. ''do-infet'' < *''to-eni-swisdo-'' (the simplex verb is unattested in Goidelic). These words are of onomatopoetic origin, so indepentent creations in different branches of IE cannot be excluded.
 +
   REF: [[GPC]] I: 865, [[LIV]] 611ff., [[LP]] 395, [[LEIA]] S-100, [[Deshayes (2003)|Deshayes 2003]]: 164.
  
 +
  '''*yaro-''' ‘chicken, hen’ [Noun]
 +
  W: OW ''iar'', MW ''yar'', ''iar'' [f] (GPC ''iâr'', ''giâr''); ''ieir'', ''gieir'' [p]
 +
  BRET: MBret. ''[[yar]]'' [f]
 +
  CO: OCo. ''yar'' gl. gallina, Co. ''yar''
 +
  GAUL: ''laros'' [PN]
 +
  ETYM: MIr. ''eirín(e)'' ‘chicken’ is related to these words, but details are unclear. All of these words might be related to Lat. ''pīpio'' ‘to cheep’, Skt. ''píppakā-'' ‘a species of bird’ and derived from something like *''pipero-'' > PCelt. *''fifero-''. 
 +
  Of course, with such onomatopoetic roots, any comparison can be accidental.
 +
  REF: [[GPC]] II: 2000, [[LP]] 78, [[Delamarre (2001)|Delamarre 186]], [[Falileyev (2000)|Falileyev]] 89, [[Campanile (1974)|Campanile 1974]]: 105, [[Deshayes (2003)|Deshayes 2003]]: 760, [[Stokes (1894)|Stokes 1894]]: 223, [[Schrijver (1995)|Schrijver 1995]]: 104f.
  
 
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Version du 22 août 2020 à 05:24

  • Matasović, Ranko. 2009. Etymological dictionnary of Proto-Celtic, Brill, Leyde.




extraits intégrés

 Matasović (2009):
 *gargo- ‘rough’ [Adj]
 GOID: MIr. garg [o]
 GAUL: Gargenus Nom propre
 PIE: *gargo- (?) ‘horror’ (IEW: 353)
 COGN: OCS groza ‘horror’, Arm. karcr ‘hard’
 ETYM: This is presumably an onomatopoetic, or expressive word, which may explain the a-vocalism in the root. The parallels in other IE languages may be accidental similarities.
 REF: EIEC 568, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 501, Delamarre 175
 *gexdo/ā- ‘goose’ [Noun]
 GOID: MIr. géd [o m]
 W: MW guit (GPC gwydd) [f]
 BRET: MBret. gwaz [f]
 CO: OCo. guit gl. auca, Co. goth 
 ETYM: Presumably an onomatopoetic word, there is probably no connection to PIE *ǵʰeh₂-ns ‘goose’ (cf. PCelt. *gansi- ‘swan’).
 REF: GPC II: 1753, Deshayes 2003: 301, Lockwood 1981.
 *klokko- ‘bell’ [Noun]
 GOlD: OIr. clocc [o m]
 W: MW cloch [f]
 BRET: MBret. cloch, MoBret. kloc'h [m]
 CO: OCo. cloch gl. clocca
 ETYM: Fr. cloche ‘bell’ < MLat. clocca was probably borrowed from the language of the Celtic missionaries in the early Middle Ages (clocca is first attested in the work of Adomnán in the 7th century). It is improbable that it is from Gaulish, cf. also Germ. Glocke. The PCelt. word is clearly onomatopoetic.
 REF: LEIA C-122f., GPC I: 502, Campanile 1974: 27f., Deshayes 2003: 399, Gamillscheg 237.
 *lab(a)ro- ‘eloquent, talkative’ [Adj]
 GOID: OIr. labar [o]
 W: MW llafar ‘loud, resonant, talkative’
 BRET: OBret. labar ‘talking’, MBret. lauaret ‘talk’, MoBret. lavar [m] ‘language, speech’
 CO: OCo. lauar gl. sermo
 GAUL: Labarus, Labrios [PN]
 ETYM: In OIr., there is also the denominative deponent verb labraithir, -labrathar ‘talks’. Cf. the parallel formation of the antonyms W aflafar ‘mute’ and OIr. amlabar ‘mute’. These Celtic words may have been onomatopoetic in origin; the connection with ME flappen ‘hit’ suggested by IEW (831) is a mere possibility (if this is correct, the PCelt. form of the root was *flab- ), cf. also Germ. labern ‘babble’.
 REF: DGVB  236, Delamarre 194f., Deshayes 2003: 453, Zimmer 2000: 486, Meid 2005: 56.
 *swizd-o- ‘blow’ [Vb]
 GOID: OIr. do-infet ‘blows, inspires’; do-r-infid [3s Pret. Relative]; do-r-infess [Pret. Pass. Relative]
 W: MW chwythu ‘blow, breathe’
 BRET: MBret. huezaff, MoBret. c'hwezhañ ‘breathe’
 CO: Co. hwytha
 PIE: *sweys-d- ‘hiss’ (IEW: 104Of.)
 COGN: Gr. sízō, Russ. svistátʹ
 ETYM: OIr. do-infet < *to-eni-swisdo- (the simplex verb is unattested in Goidelic). These words are of onomatopoetic origin, so indepentent creations in different branches of IE cannot be excluded.
 REF: GPC I: 865, LIV 611ff., LP 395, LEIA S-100, Deshayes 2003: 164.
 *yaro- ‘chicken, hen’ [Noun]
 W: OW iar, MW yar, iar [f] (GPC iâr, giâr); ieir, gieir [p]
 BRET: MBret. yar [f]
 CO: OCo. yar gl. gallina, Co. yar
 GAUL: laros [PN]
 ETYM: MIr. eirín(e) ‘chicken’ is related to these words, but details are unclear. All of these words might be related to Lat. pīpio ‘to cheep’, Skt. píppakā- ‘a species of bird’ and derived from something like *pipero- > PCelt. *fifero-.   
 Of course, with such onomatopoetic roots, any comparison can be accidental.
 REF: GPC II: 2000, LP 78, Delamarre 186, Falileyev 89, Campanile 1974: 105, Deshayes 2003: 760, Stokes 1894: 223, Schrijver 1995: 104f.