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* Matasović, Ranko. 2009. ''Etymological dictionnary of Proto-Celtic'', Brill, Leiden.
* Matasović, Ranko. 2009. ''Etymological dictionnary of Proto-Celtic'', Brill, Leyde.


extrait à intégrer:
 
 
 
 
=== erratum ===
 
: manquent en bibliographie les références de [[Uhlich (2002)]] et [[Sims-Williams (2006)]].
 
 
=== extraits intégrés ===


   [[Matasović (2009)]]:
   [[Matasović (2009)]]:
   "* ''gargo-'' 'rough' [Adj]
 
   GOlD: MIr. ''garg'' [0]
   '''*gargo-''' ‘rough’ [Adj]
   GAUL: ''Gargenus'' [NP]
   GOID: MIr. ''garg'' [o]
   PIE: * ''gargo-'' (?) 'horror' (JEW: 353)
   GAUL: ''Gargenus'' [[Nom propre]]
   COGN: OCS ''groza'' 'horror', ''Arm.'' karcr 'hard'
   PIE: *''gargo-'' (?) ‘horror’ ([[IEW]]: 353)
   ETYM: This is presumably an onomatopoetic, or expressive word, which may explain the a-vocalism in the root. The parallels in other IE languages may be accidental similarities.
   COGN: OCS ''groza'' ‘horror’, Arm. ''karcr'' ‘hard’
    
   ETYM: This is presumably an [[onomatopoetic]], or [[expressive word]], which may explain the a-vocalism in the root. The parallels in other IE languages may be accidental similarities.
   * ''gexdo/ ă''- 'goose' [Noun]
   REF: [[EIEC]] 568, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 501, [[Delamarre (2001)|Delamarre]] 175
   GOlD: Mlr. ''géd'' [0 m]
 
   W:MW ''guit'' (GPC ''gwydd'') [f]
   '''*gexdo/ā-''' ‘goose’ [Noun]
   BRET: MBret. ''gwaz'' [f]
   GOID: MIr. ''géd'' [o m]
   W: MW ''guit'' ([[GPC]] ''gwydd'') [f]
   BRET: MBret. ''[[gwaz, gwazi|gwaz]]'' [f]
   CO: OCo. ''guit'' gl. ''auca'', Co. ''goth''  
   CO: OCo. ''guit'' gl. ''auca'', Co. ''goth''  
   ETYM: Presumably an onomatopoetic word, there is probably no connection to PIE * ''ǵ<sup>h</sup>eh<sub>2</sub>-ns'' 'goose' (cf. PCelt. * ''gansi-'' 'swan').
   ETYM: Presumably an [[onomatopoetic]] word, there is probably no connection to PIE *''ǵʰeh₂-ns'' ‘goose’ (cf. PCelt. *''gansi-'' ‘swan’).
   REF: [[GPC]] II: 1753, [[Deshayes (2003)|Deshayes 2003]]: 301, [[Lockwood (1981)|Lockwood 1981]].
   REF: [[GPC]] II: 1753, [[Deshayes (2003)|Deshayes 2003]]: 301, [[Lockwood (1981)|Lockwood 1981]].


   * ''glaxsmă'' 'cry, shout' [Noun]
   '''*klokko-''' ‘bell’ [Noun]
  GOlD: Mlr. ''glám'' [ă f] 'outcry, clamour, satire'
   GOlD: OIr. ''clocc'' [o m]
  PIE: * ''gla-ǵ<sup>h</sup>'' 'cry, shout' (IEW: 350f.)
  COGN: Skt. ''garh-'', OHG ''klaga'', Germ. ''klagen''
  ETYM: The comparison with OHG ''klaga'' allows the reconstruction of the PIE root as above; a different vocalization (Schwebeablaut?) must be assumed for Sanskrit. This is quite clearly an onomatopoetic root, so the correspondences in Germ. and Skt. could be accidental.
  REF: [[Mayrhofer]] I: 475f.
 
  * ''k<sup>w</sup>aso-'' 'cough' [Noun]
  GOlD: MIr. ''casachtach'' [ā f] (DIL ''cosachtach'') 'the act of coughing'
  W: W ''pas'' [m] 'whooping cough'
  BRET: OBret. ''pas'' gl. ''catarrus'', MBret. ''pas, paz''
  CO: Co. ''pas'', MoCo. ''paz''
  PIE: * ''k<sup>w</sup>eh<sub>2</sub>s-t-'' 'cough' (IEW: 649)
  COGN: Skt. ''kā's-'' 'cough', OHG ''huosto'', Lith. ''kósti'', Russ. ''kášelj''
  ETYM: The Celtic forms are from the zero-grade *k<sup>w</sup>h<sub>2</sub>st- of this originally onomatopoetic root. The laryngeal is assured by the acute in Lithuanian and Slavic.
  REF: [[LEIA]] C-215, [[GPC]] III: 2696f., [[DGVB]] 281, [[Hamp (1980)|Hamp 1980]].
 
  * ''klokko-'' 'bell' [Noun]
   GOlD: aIr. ''clocc'' [o m]
   W: MW ''cloch'' [f]
   W: MW ''cloch'' [f]
   BRET: MBret. ''cloch'', MoBret. ''kloc'h'' [m]
   BRET: MBret. ''cloch'', MoBret. ''[[kloc'h]]'' [m]
   CO: OCo. ''cloch'' gl. ''clocca''
   CO: OCo. ''cloch'' gl. ''clocca''
   ETYM: Fr. ''cloche'' 'bell' < MLat. ''clocca'' was probably borrowed from the language of the Celtic missionaries in the early Middle Ages (''clocca'' is first attested in the work of Adomnán in the 7th century). It is improbable that it is from Gaulish, cf. also Germ. ''Glocke''. The PCelt. word is clearly onomatopoetic.
   ETYM: Fr. ''cloche'' ‘bell’ < MLat. ''clocca'' was probably borrowed from the language of the Celtic missionaries in the early Middle Ages (''clocca'' is first attested in the work of Adomnán in the 7th century). It is improbable that it is from Gaulish, cf. also Germ. ''Glocke''. The PCelt. word is clearly [[onomatopoetic]].
   REF: [[LEIA]] C-122f., [[GPC]] I: 502, [[Campnile (1974)|Campanile 1974]]: 27f., [[Deshayes (2003)|Deshayes 2003]]:399, [[Gamillscheg (1969)|Gamillscheg]] 237.
   REF: [[LEIA]] C-122f., [[GPC]] I: 502, [[Campanile (1974)|Campanile 1974]]: 27f., [[Deshayes (2003)|Deshayes 2003]]: 399, [[Gamillscheg (1969)|Gamillscheg]] 237.


   * ''lab(a)ro-'' 'eloquent, talkative' [Adj]
 
   GOlD: OIr. ''labar'' [o]
   '''[[*]] lab(a)ro-''' ‘eloquent, talkative’ [Adj]
   W: MW ''llafar'' 'loud, resonant, talkative'
   GOID: OIr. ''labar'' [o]
   BRET: OBret. ''labar'' 'talking', MBret. ''lauaret'' 'talk', MoBret. ''lavar'' [m] 'language, speech'
   W: MW ''llafar'' ‘loud, resonant, talkative’
   CO: OCo. ''lauar'' gl. ''sermo''
   BRET: OBret. ''labar'' ‘talking’, MBret. ''lauaret'' ‘talk’, MoBret. ''lavar'' [m] ‘language, speech’
   CO: OCo. ''lauar'' gl. sermo
   GAUL: ''Labarus'', ''Labrios'' [PN]
   GAUL: ''Labarus'', ''Labrios'' [PN]
   ETYM: In OIr., there is also the denominative deponent verb ''labraithir'', ''-labrathar'' 'talks'. Cf. the parallel formation of the antonyms W ''aflafar'' 'mute' and OIr. amlabar 'mute'. These Celtic words may have been onomatopoetic in origin; the connection with ME ''flappen'' 'hit' suggested by IEW (831) is a mere possibility (if this is correct, the PCelt. form of the root was * ''flab-'' ), cf. also Germ. ''labern'' 'babble'.
   ETYM: In OIr., there is also the denominative deponent verb ''labraithir'', ''-labrathar'' ‘talks’. Cf. the parallel formation of the antonyms W ''aflafar'' ‘mute’ and OIr. ''amlabar'' ‘mute’. These Celtic words may have been onomatopoetic in origin; the connection with ME ''flappen'' ‘hit’ suggested by [[IEW]] (831) is a mere possibility (if this is correct, the PCelt. form of the root was [[*]] ''flab-'' ), cf. also Germ. ''labern'' ‘babble’.
   REF: [[DGVB ]] 236, [[Delamarre (2001)|Delamarre]] 194f., [[Deshayes (2003)|Deshayes 2003]]: 453, [[Zimmer (2000)|Zimmer 2000]]:486, [[Meid (2005)|Meid 2005]]: 56.
   REF: [[DGVB ]] 236, [[Delamarre (2001)|Delamarre]] 194f., [[Deshayes (2003)|Deshayes 2003]]: 453, [[Zimmer (2000)|Zimmer 2000]]: 486, [[Meid (2005)|Meid 2005]]: 56.
 
 
   * ''swizd-o-'' 'blow' [Vb]
 
   GOlD: Olr. ''do-infet'' 'blows, inspires'; ''do-r-infid'' [3s Pret. Relative]; ''do-r-infess'' [Pret. Pass. Relative]
   '''*swizd-o-''' ‘blow’ [Vb]
   W: MW ''chwythu'' 'blow, breathe'
   GOID: OIr. ''do-infet'' ‘blows, inspires’; ''do-r-infid'' [3s Pret. Relative]; ''do-r-infess'' [Pret. Pass. Relative]
   BRET: MBret. ''huezaff'', MoBret. ''[[c'hwezhañ]]'' 'breathe'
   W: MW ''chwythu'' ‘blow, breathe’
   BRET: MBret. ''huezaff'', MoBret. ''[[c'hwezhañ]]'' ‘breathe’
   CO: Co. ''hwytha''
   CO: Co. ''hwytha''
   PIE: * ''sweys-d-'' 'hiss' (IEW: 104Of.)
   PIE: *''sweys-d-'' ‘hiss’ ([[IEW]]:104Of.)
   COGN: Gr. ''sízō'', Russ. ''svistát' ''
   COGN: Gr. ''sízō'', Russ. ''svistátʹ''
   ETYM: Olr. ''do-infet'' < * ''to-eni-swisdo-'' (the simplex verb is unattested in Goidelic). These words are of onomatopoetic origin, so indepentent creations in different branches of IE cannot be excluded.
   ETYM: OIr. ''do-infet'' < *''to-eni-swisdo-'' (the simplex verb is unattested in Goidelic). These words are of onomatopoetic origin, so indepentent creations in different branches of IE cannot be excluded.
   REF: [[GPC]] I: 865, [[LIV]] 611ff., [[LP]] 395, [[LEIA]] S-100, [[Deshayes (2003)|Deshayes 2003]]:164.
   REF: [[GPC]] I: 865, [[LIV]] 611ff., [[LP]] 395, [[LEIA]] S-100, [[Deshayes (2003)|Deshayes 2003]]: 164.
 
  * ''xswib-ī-'' 'move, recede' [Vb]
  GOlD: MIr. ''scibid'', ''-scibi''
  W: MW ''chwyfu'' (GPC ''chwifio'', ''chwyfio'', ''chwyfu'', ''chwyfan'')
  BRET: MBret.''fifual'', MoBret. ''fiñval'' 'move'
  PIE: ? * ''ksweyb<sup>h</sup>-'' 'make a swift movement' (IEW: 1041 (* ''swēy-''))
  COGN: Skt. ''kṣipáti'' 'throw', OCS ''šibati'' 'to whip'
  ETYM: Sanskrit -p- is puzzling. It may be the result of assimilation to the initial k-. OE swapan 'sweep' and its Germanic cognates may be derived from the same root, if we assume that *xsw- > *sw-. In any case, the form of the PIE root is highly unusual, perhaps onomatopoetic.
  REF: [[KPV]] 423, [[GPC]] I:852, [[Deshayes (2003)|Deshayes 2003]]:236, [[LIV]] 333, [[Schrijver (2003)|Schrijver 2003]].




   * ''yaro-'' 'chicken, hen' [Noun]
   '''*yaro-''' ‘chicken, hen’ [Noun]
   W: OW ''iar'', MW ''yar, iar'' [f] (GPC ''iâr, giâr''); ''ieir, gieir'' [p]
   W: OW ''iar'', MW ''yar'', ''iar'' [f] (GPC ''iâr'', ''giâr''); ''ieir'', ''gieir'' [p]
   BRET: MBret. yar [f]
   BRET: MBret. ''[[yar]]'' [f]
   CO: OCo. ''yar'' gl. ''gallina'', Co. ''yar''
   CO: OCo. ''yar'' gl. gallina, Co. ''yar''
   GAUL: ''laros'' [PN]
   GAUL: ''laros'' [PN]
   ETYM: MIr. ''eirín(e)'' 'chicken' is related to these words, but details are unclear. All of these words might be related to Lat. ''pīpio'' 'to cheep', Skt. ''píppakā-'' 'a species of bird' and derived from something like * ''pipero-'' > PCelt. * ''fifero-''.   
   ETYM: MIr. ''eirín(e)'' ‘chicken’ is related to these words, but details are unclear. All of these words might be related to Lat. ''pīpio'' ‘to cheep’, Skt. ''píppakā-'' ‘a species of bird’ and derived from something like *''pipero-'' > PCelt. *''fifero-''.   
   Of course, with such onomatopoetic roots, any comparison can be accidental.
   Of course, with such onomatopoetic roots, any comparison can be accidental.
   REF: [[GPC]] II: 2000, [[LP]] 78, [[Delamarre (2001)|Delamarre 186]], Falileyev 89, [[Campanile (1974)|Campanile 1974]]:105, [[Deshayes (2003)|Deshayes 2003]]:760, [[Stokes (1894)|Stokes 1894]]: 223, [[Schrijver (1995)|Schrijver 1995]]:104f."
   REF: [[GPC]] II: 2000, [[LP]] 78, [[Delamarre (2001)|Delamarre 186]], [[Falileyev (2000)|Falileyev]] 89, [[Campanile (1974)|Campanile 1974]]: 105, [[Deshayes (2003)|Deshayes 2003]]: 760, [[Stokes (1894)|Stokes 1894]]: 223, [[Schrijver (1995)|Schrijver 1995]]: 104f.
 
 
  [[*]] ''wasto-'' 'servant' [Noun]
  GOlD: Olr. ''foss'' [o m]
  W: OW ''guas'', MW ''gwas'' [m]; ''gweision, gweis'' [p]
  BRET: MBret. ''-uuas'', ''-guas'' [in PN], MoBret. ''[[gwaz, gwazed|gwaz]]'' 'man, husband'
  CO: Co. ''guas''
  GAUL: [[*]] ''uassos'' > MLat. ''uassus'' (cf. Fr. ''vassal'')
  ETYM: Olr. ''foss'' 'male servant' should be distinguished from Olr. joss [o m] 'rest, resting place'. Some linguists derive these words from PIE [[*]] ''upo-sth<sub>2</sub>-o-'' 'standing beneath', cf. [[Delamarre (2001)|Delamarre]] 307, [[IEW]] 1106. However, this proto-form should give PCelt. [[*]] ''ufo-sto-'' > [[*]] ''wosso-'', from which we could derive Olr. ''foss'' 'rest, resting place', while PCelt. [[*]] ''wasto-'' must have a different etymology. See, however, PCelt. [[*]] ''wostu-''.
  REF: [[GPC]] II: 1590f., [[EIEC]] 506, [[Delamarre (2001)|Delamarre]] 307, [[Falileyev (2000)|Falileyev]] 65, [[Uhlich (2002)|Uhlich 2002]]:415, [[Schrijver (1995)|Schrijver 1995]]:407.
 
 
  [[*]] ''wiro-'' 'man' [Noun]
  GOID: Olr. ''fer'' [o m]
  W: OW ''gur'', MW ''gwr'' [m] ([[GPC]] ''gŵr''); ''gwŷr'' [f]
  BRET: OBret. ''-gur'', MBret. ''[[gour]]''
  CO: OCo. ''gur'' gl. ''uir'', MCo. ''gour''
  GAUL: ''Uiro-cantus'' [PN], ''Viro-mandui'' [Toponym]
  CELTIB: UIROS 'man'
  PIE: [[*]] ''wiHro-'' 'man' ([[IEW]]: 1177)
  COGN: Sanskrit ''vīrá-'', Latin ''uir'', Lithuanian ''rýras'', Go. ''wair''
  ETYM: Derivatives from this root include MW ''gwron'' 'hero' and Celtib. PN ''Vironus'' ([[*]] ''wiro-no-'') and, probably, MW ''gwrdd'' 'strong' ([[*]] ''wiro-yo-''). Germanic, Celtic, and Italic point to a short [[*]]i, with loss of the laryngeal, which is reconstructed on the basis of Lithuanian and Sanskrit forms.
  REF: [[GPC II]]:1693f., [[DGVB]] 201, [[EIEC]] 355,548, [[LHEB]] 337, [[de Bernardo Stempel 1999]]: 44, 230, [[Delamarre (2001)|Delamarre]] 32lf., [[Falileyev (2000)|Falileyev]] 76, [[Campanile (1974)|Campanile 1974]]:59, [[Sims-Williams (2006)|Sims-Williams 2006]]: 124f., [[MLH V.1]]: 452f.




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Version du 28 août 2020 à 16:33

  • Matasović, Ranko. 2009. Etymological dictionnary of Proto-Celtic, Brill, Leyde.



erratum

manquent en bibliographie les références de Uhlich (2002) et Sims-Williams (2006).


extraits intégrés

 Matasović (2009):
 *gargo- ‘rough’ [Adj]
 GOID: MIr. garg [o]
 GAUL: Gargenus Nom propre
 PIE: *gargo- (?) ‘horror’ (IEW: 353)
 COGN: OCS groza ‘horror’, Arm. karcr ‘hard’
 ETYM: This is presumably an onomatopoetic, or expressive word, which may explain the a-vocalism in the root. The parallels in other IE languages may be accidental similarities.
 REF: EIEC 568, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 501, Delamarre 175
 *gexdo/ā- ‘goose’ [Noun]
 GOID: MIr. géd [o m]
 W: MW guit (GPC gwydd) [f]
 BRET: MBret. gwaz [f]
 CO: OCo. guit gl. auca, Co. goth 
 ETYM: Presumably an onomatopoetic word, there is probably no connection to PIE *ǵʰeh₂-ns ‘goose’ (cf. PCelt. *gansi- ‘swan’).
 REF: GPC II: 1753, Deshayes 2003: 301, Lockwood 1981.
 *klokko- ‘bell’ [Noun]
 GOlD: OIr. clocc [o m]
 W: MW cloch [f]
 BRET: MBret. cloch, MoBret. kloc'h [m]
 CO: OCo. cloch gl. clocca
 ETYM: Fr. cloche ‘bell’ < MLat. clocca was probably borrowed from the language of the Celtic missionaries in the early Middle Ages (clocca is first attested in the work of Adomnán in the 7th century). It is improbable that it is from Gaulish, cf. also Germ. Glocke. The PCelt. word is clearly onomatopoetic.
 REF: LEIA C-122f., GPC I: 502, Campanile 1974: 27f., Deshayes 2003: 399, Gamillscheg 237.


 * lab(a)ro- ‘eloquent, talkative’ [Adj]
 GOID: OIr. labar [o]
 W: MW llafar ‘loud, resonant, talkative’
 BRET: OBret. labar ‘talking’, MBret. lauaret ‘talk’, MoBret. lavar [m] ‘language, speech’
 CO: OCo. lauar gl. sermo
 GAUL: Labarus, Labrios [PN]
 ETYM: In OIr., there is also the denominative deponent verb labraithir, -labrathar ‘talks’. Cf. the parallel formation of the antonyms W aflafar ‘mute’ and OIr. amlabar ‘mute’. These Celtic words may have been onomatopoetic in origin; the connection with ME flappen ‘hit’ suggested by IEW (831) is a mere possibility (if this is correct, the PCelt. form of the root was * flab- ), cf. also Germ. labern ‘babble’.
 REF: DGVB  236, Delamarre 194f., Deshayes 2003: 453, Zimmer 2000: 486, Meid 2005: 56.


 *swizd-o- ‘blow’ [Vb]
 GOID: OIr. do-infet ‘blows, inspires’; do-r-infid [3s Pret. Relative]; do-r-infess [Pret. Pass. Relative]
 W: MW chwythu ‘blow, breathe’
 BRET: MBret. huezaff, MoBret. c'hwezhañ ‘breathe’
 CO: Co. hwytha
 PIE: *sweys-d- ‘hiss’ (IEW:104Of.)
 COGN: Gr. sízō, Russ. svistátʹ
 ETYM: OIr. do-infet < *to-eni-swisdo- (the simplex verb is unattested in Goidelic). These words are of onomatopoetic origin, so indepentent creations in different branches of IE cannot be excluded.
 REF: GPC I: 865, LIV 611ff., LP 395, LEIA S-100, Deshayes 2003: 164.


 *yaro- ‘chicken, hen’ [Noun]
 W: OW iar, MW yar, iar [f] (GPC iâr, giâr); ieir, gieir [p]
 BRET: MBret. yar [f]
 CO: OCo. yar gl. gallina, Co. yar
 GAUL: laros [PN]
 ETYM: MIr. eirín(e) ‘chicken’ is related to these words, but details are unclear. All of these words might be related to Lat. pīpio ‘to cheep’, Skt. píppakā- ‘a species of bird’ and derived from something like *pipero- > PCelt. *fifero-.   
 Of course, with such onomatopoetic roots, any comparison can be accidental.
 REF: GPC II: 2000, LP 78, Delamarre 186, Falileyev 89, Campanile 1974: 105, Deshayes 2003: 760, Stokes 1894: 223, Schrijver 1995: 104f.


 * wasto- 'servant' [Noun]
 GOlD: Olr. foss [o m]
 W: OW guas, MW gwas [m]; gweision, gweis [p]
 BRET: MBret. -uuas, -guas [in PN], MoBret. gwaz 'man, husband'
 CO: Co. guas
 GAUL: * uassos > MLat. uassus (cf. Fr. vassal)
 ETYM: Olr. foss 'male servant' should be distinguished from Olr. joss [o m] 'rest, resting place'. Some linguists derive these words from PIE * upo-sth2-o- 'standing beneath', cf. Delamarre 307, IEW 1106. However, this proto-form should give PCelt. * ufo-sto- > * wosso-, from which we could derive Olr. foss 'rest, resting place', while PCelt. * wasto- must have a different etymology. See, however, PCelt. * wostu-.
 REF: GPC II: 1590f., EIEC 506, Delamarre 307, Falileyev 65, Uhlich 2002:415, Schrijver 1995:407.


 * wiro- 'man' [Noun]
 GOID: Olr. fer [o m]
 W: OW gur, MW gwr [m] (GPC gŵr); gwŷr [f]
 BRET: OBret. -gur, MBret. gour
 CO: OCo. gur gl. uir, MCo. gour
 GAUL: Uiro-cantus [PN], Viro-mandui [Toponym]
 CELTIB: UIROS 'man'
 PIE: * wiHro- 'man' (IEW: 1177)
 COGN: Sanskrit vīrá-, Latin uir, Lithuanian rýras, Go. wair
 ETYM: Derivatives from this root include MW gwron 'hero' and Celtib. PN Vironus (* wiro-no-) and, probably, MW gwrdd 'strong' (* wiro-yo-). Germanic, Celtic, and Italic point to a short *i, with loss of the laryngeal, which is reconstructed on the basis of Lithuanian and Sanskrit forms.
 REF: GPC II:1693f., DGVB 201, EIEC 355,548, LHEB 337, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 44, 230, Delamarre 32lf., Falileyev 76, Campanile 1974:59, Sims-Williams 2006: 124f., MLH V.1: 452f.