Jouitteau (2012b)

De Arbres
  • Jouitteau, M. 2012.b, ‘Phi-feature agreement : the distribution of the Breton bare and prepositional infinitives with the preposition da', Frota, Gonçalves, Moia & Sabtos (éds.), Journal of Portuguese Linguistics 11 :1, 99-119.

 This article investigates the hypothesis that infinitives clauses in Breton 
 are Case-filtered. This hypothesis makes a straightforward prediction for the
 distribution of infinitive clauses: Bare infinitives appear in positions 
 where direct Case is available to them. 
 Prepositional infinitives appear as a last resort, in positions where no Case
 is available. In these environments, da, homophonous with a preposition, 
 appears at the  left-edge of the infinitive clause. I propose that da 
 realizes Inherent Case. 
 I show that once the paradigms of semantically motivated preposition 
 insertion are set apart, the hypothesis shows correct for control and ECM 
 structures, with both intervening subjects and objects, purpose clauses and 
 their alternation paradigms, including some preposition tripling paradigms. 
 Larger infinitive structures in narrative matrix infinitives and concessive 
 clauses are not Case-filtered. This makes Breton similar to English, where 
 only perception and causative structures are Case-filtered, whereas other 
 infinitive structures are not (Hornstein, Martins and Nunes 2008).


  • Hornstein, N., Martins A.M. and J. Nunes. (2008) ‘Percepion and causative structures in English and European Portuguese: Φ-feature Agreement and the Distribution of Bare and Prepositional Infinitives’, Syntax 11:2, 198-222.