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* Jouitteau, M. 2012.b, ‘Phi-feature agreement : the distribution of the Breton bare and prepositional infinitives with the preposition da', Frota, Gonçalves, Moia & Sabtos (éds.), ''Journal of Portuguese Linguistics'' 11 :1, 99-119.  
* Jouitteau, M. 2012.b, 'Phi-feature agreement : the distribution of the Breton bare and prepositional infinitives with the preposition da', Frota, Gonçalves, Moia & Sabtos (éds.), ''Journal of Portuguese Linguistics'' 11 :1, 99-119. [http://ling.auf.net/lingBuzz/001483 pdf sur lingbuzz /001483], ou sur le [http://jpl.letras.ulisboa.pt/articles/abstract/10.5334/jpl.94/ site du journal].




   abstract:
   '''Abstract''':
    
    
   This article investigates the hypothesis that infinitives clauses in Breton  
   This article investigates the hypothesis that infinitive clauses in Breton are [[filtre sur le Cas|Case-filtered]]. This hypothesis makes a straightforward prediction for the distribution of infinitive clauses: Bare infinitives appear in positions where [[direct Case]] is available to them. Prepositional infinitives appear as a [[last resort]], in positions where no Case is available. In these environments, ''[[da]]'', homophonous with a [[preposition]], appears at the  left-edge of the infinitive clause. I propose that ''[[da]]'' realizes Inherent Case.  
  are Case-filtered. This hypothesis makes a straightforward prediction for the
 
  distribution of infinitive clauses: Bare infinitives appear in positions  
   I show that once the paradigms of semantically motivated preposition insertion are set apart, the hypothesis shows correct for [[control]] and [[ECM]] structures, with both intervening [[subjects]] and [[objects]], [[purpose clauses]] and their alternation paradigms, including some preposition tripling paradigms. Larger infinitive structures in [[narrative matrix infinitives]] and [[concessive clauses]] are not Case-filtered. This makes Breton similar to English, where only perception and [[causative structures]] are Case-filtered, whereas other infinitive structures are not (Hornstein, Martins and Nunes 2008).
  where direct Case is available to them.  
  Prepositional infinitives appear as a last resort, in positions where no Case
  is available. In these environments, ‘da’, homophonous with a preposition,  
  appears at the  left-edge of the infinitive clause. I propose that ‘da’
  realizes Inherent Case.  
   I show that once the paradigms of semantically motivated preposition  
  insertion are set apart, the hypothesis shows correct for control and ECM  
  structures, with both intervening subjects and objects, purpose clauses and  
  their alternation paradigms, including some preposition tripling paradigms.  
  Larger infinitive structures in narrative matrix infinitives and concessive  
  clauses are not Case-filtered. This makes Breton similar to English, where  
  only perception and causative structures are Case-filtered, whereas other  
  infinitive structures are not (Hornstein, Martins and Nunes 2008).




== références ==
== Références ==


* Hornstein, N., Martins A.M. and J. Nunes. (2008) ‘Percepion and causative structures in English and European Portuguese: Φ-feature Agreement and the Distribution of Bare and Prepositional Infinitives’, ''Syntax'' 11:2, 198-222.
* Hornstein, N., Martins A.M. and J. Nunes. (2008) 'Perception and causative structures in English and European Portuguese: Φ-feature Agreement and the Distribution of Bare and Prepositional Infinitives’, ''Syntax'' 11:2, 198-222.


[[Category:ouvrages de recherche|Categories]]
[[Category:ouvrages de recherche|Categories]]

Version actuelle datée du 21 mars 2022 à 16:27

  • Jouitteau, M. 2012.b, 'Phi-feature agreement : the distribution of the Breton bare and prepositional infinitives with the preposition da', Frota, Gonçalves, Moia & Sabtos (éds.), Journal of Portuguese Linguistics 11 :1, 99-119. pdf sur lingbuzz /001483, ou sur le site du journal.


 Abstract:
 
 This article investigates the hypothesis that infinitive clauses in Breton are Case-filtered. This hypothesis makes a straightforward prediction for the distribution of infinitive clauses: Bare infinitives appear in positions where direct Case is available to them. Prepositional infinitives appear as a last resort, in positions where no Case is available. In these environments, da, homophonous with a preposition, appears at the  left-edge of the infinitive clause. I propose that da realizes Inherent Case. 
 
 I show that once the paradigms of semantically motivated preposition insertion are set apart, the hypothesis shows correct for control and ECM structures, with both intervening subjects and objects, purpose clauses and their alternation paradigms, including some preposition tripling paradigms. Larger infinitive structures in narrative matrix infinitives and concessive clauses are not Case-filtered. This makes Breton similar to English, where only perception and causative structures are Case-filtered, whereas other infinitive structures are not (Hornstein, Martins and Nunes 2008).


Références

  • Hornstein, N., Martins A.M. and J. Nunes. (2008) 'Perception and causative structures in English and European Portuguese: Φ-feature Agreement and the Distribution of Bare and Prepositional Infinitives’, Syntax 11:2, 198-222.