Différences entre les versions de « Hewitt (2011:13-14) »

De Arbres
m (Remplacement de texte — « d’ » par « d' »)
m (Remplacement de texte — « ’ » par « ' »)
 
Ligne 1 : Ligne 1 :
   "In Standard Breton and in L, the infinitive is ''dleoud'', stem ''dle''-, derived from ''dle'' 'debt’,  
   "In Standard Breton and in L, the infinitive is ''dleoud'', stem ''dle''-, derived from ''dle'' 'debt',  
   cf. Welsh ''dyled'' 'debt’ and modal auxiliary ''dylai'' 'should, ought’, and Irish ''dlí'' 'law’.  
   cf. Welsh ''dyled'' 'debt' and modal auxiliary ''dylai'' 'should, ought', and Irish ''dlí'' 'law'.  
    
    
   The initial consonant cluster <font color=green>dl-</font color=green> is unstable in Breton; three resolutions are possible:  
   The initial consonant cluster <font color=green>dl-</font color=green> is unstable in Breton; three resolutions are possible:  
   (1) insertion of an epenthetic vowel, as in G: ''dële'' 'debt’, ''dëleein'' 'owe; must, ought to’;  
   (1) insertion of an epenthetic vowel, as in G: ''dële'' 'debt', ''dëleein'' 'owe; must, ought to';  
   (2) loss of <font color=green>d-</font color=green>, as in ''dluzh'' 'trout’ > T ''luzh''; and  
   (2) loss of <font color=green>d-</font color=green>, as in ''dluzh'' 'trout' > T ''luzh''; and  
   (3) <font color=green>dl > gl</font color=green>, as in widely in T and K: ''gle'' 'debt’, ''gleoud'' 'owe’.  
   (3) <font color=green>dl > gl</font color=green>, as in widely in T and K: ''gle'' 'debt', ''gleoud'' 'owe'.  
    
    
   On the analogy of ''dle > gle'', the 'mixed' (lenition/provection) mutation applied to the stem ''dle-'':
   On the analogy of ''dle > gle'', the 'mixed' (lenition/provection) mutation applied to the stem ''dle-'':
   …e≠tlean [AFF I.must/ought], the <font color=green>tl-</font color=green> cluster became <font color=green>kl-</font color=green>, and then this was interpreted as being  
   …e≠tlean [AFF I.must/ought], the <font color=green>tl-</font color=green> cluster became <font color=green>kl-</font color=green>, and then this was interpreted as being  
   the basic, unmutated form for the modal auxiliary but not for the lexical verb, so in T there is  
   the basic, unmutated form for the modal auxiliary but not for the lexical verb, so in T there is  
   now ''gleoud'', ''gle-'', 'owe’
   now ''gleoud'', ''gle-'', 'owe'
    
    
   (43a) gleoud a ran arc’hant dit  
   (43a) gleoud a ran arc'hant dit  
         owe.INF AFF I.do money to.you  
         owe.INF AFF I.do money to.you  
         'I owe you money’
         'I owe you money'
   (43b) me a =c’hle arc’hant dit  
   (43b) me a =c'hle arc'hant dit  
         I AFF oweº money to.you  
         I AFF oweº money to.you  
         'I owe you money’
         'I owe you money'
    
    
   but ''klea’ '', ''kle-'' 'must, ought’
   but ''klea' '', ''kle-'' 'must, ought'
   (44a) klea’ a ran mond  
   (44a) klea' a ran mond  
         must.INF AFF I.do go.INF  
         must.INF AFF I.do go.INF  
         'I must go’
         'I must go'
   (44b) me a =gle mond  
   (44b) me a =gle mond  
         I AFF must go.INF  
         I AFF must go.INF  
       'I must go’
       'I must go'
    
    
   Guillaume Floc’h informs me that in Plouhineg, south of Gẘaien (Audierne), the lexical verb is  
   Guillaume Floc'h informs me that in Plouhineg, south of Gẘaien (Audierne), the lexical verb is  
   ''lea'', ''le-'' < ''dleoud'', ''dle-'', but the stem for 'must, ought’ is ''tre-'' < ''tle-''.  
   ''lea'', ''le-'' < ''dleoud'', ''dle-'', but the stem for 'must, ought' is ''tre-'' < ''tle-''.  
   So in many areas of Brittany, a morphological distinction is made between the stem for the lexical
   So in many areas of Brittany, a morphological distinction is made between the stem for the lexical
   verb 'owe’ and that for the modal auxiliary 'must, ought’."
   verb 'owe' and that for the modal auxiliary 'must, ought'."




[[Category:extraits d'ouvrages|Categories]]
[[Category:extraits d'ouvrages|Categories]]

Version actuelle datée du 2 juillet 2022 à 15:17

 "In Standard Breton and in L, the infinitive is dleoud, stem dle-, derived from dle 'debt', 
 cf. Welsh dyled 'debt' and modal auxiliary dylai 'should, ought', and Irish dlí 'law'. 
 
 The initial consonant cluster dl- is unstable in Breton; three resolutions are possible: 
 (1) insertion of an epenthetic vowel, as in G: dële 'debt', dëleein 'owe; must, ought to'; 
 (2) loss of d-, as in dluzh 'trout' > T luzh; and 
 (3) dl > gl, as in widely in T and K: gle 'debt', gleoud 'owe'. 
 
 On the analogy of dle > gle, the 'mixed' (lenition/provection) mutation applied to the stem dle-:
 …e≠tlean [AFF I.must/ought], the tl- cluster became kl-, and then this was interpreted as being 
 the basic, unmutated form for the modal auxiliary but not for the lexical verb, so in T there is 
 now gleoud, gle-, 'owe'
 
 (43a) gleoud a ran arc'hant dit 
       owe.INF AFF I.do money to.you 
       'I owe you money'
 (43b) me a =c'hle arc'hant dit 
       I AFF oweº money to.you 
       'I owe you money'
 
 but klea' , kle- 'must, ought'
 (44a) klea' a ran mond 
       must.INF AFF I.do go.INF 
       'I must go'
 (44b) me a =gle mond 
       I AFF must go.INF 
      'I must go'
 
 Guillaume Floc'h informs me that in Plouhineg, south of Gẘaien (Audierne), the lexical verb is 
 lea, le- < dleoud, dle-, but the stem for 'must, ought' is tre- < tle-. 
 So in many areas of Brittany, a morphological distinction is made between the stem for the lexical
 verb 'owe' and that for the modal auxiliary 'must, ought'."